Ron Skolnik La legge sulla cittadinanza israeliana pone le basi per l'annessione della West Bank
Sintesi personale
PS : si delinea quindi lo scenario qui descritto?
According to the most recent data of Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics, 74.5% of Israel’s population is Jewish and 20.9% Arab. “Non-Arab Christians” and others account for the rest. The bureau’s count includes the Palestinians of East Jerusalem, which was annexed by Israel in 1967, as well as Israeli settlers in the West Bank, but it leaves out the Palestinian residents of the unannexed West Bank areas. An analysis by the bureau last year projected that the current demographic balance is not expected to change at least through 2065.
The demographic picture would undergo a drastic shift, however, were Israel to annex the West Bank. Hebrew University demographer professor Sergio DellaPergola told Al-Monitor that incorporating the remainder of the West Bank into Israel — i.e., beyond East Jerusalem — would add an estimated 2.55 million Palestinians to Israel’s population, resulting in a non-Jewish minority of approximately 40%.
The new Basic Law does not explicitly mention an annexation of “the Land of Israel,” and when, in its third Basic Principle, it grants the Jewish people an exclusive right to national self-determination, it does so within the context of the “State of Israel” alone.
Yet in right-wing Israel, the line between “Land” and “State” is frequently blurred and easily crossed. The 2011 Law Preventing Harm to the State of Israel by Means of Boycott, for example, legislated under a previous Netanyahu government, established a definition of the “State of Israel” that includes any “area under [Israel’s] control” — in other words, that encompasses the occupied territories beyond Israel’s recognized borders. In a similar vein, when Tourism Minister Yariv Levin (Likud) addressed the Knesset plenum following the vote to approve the Nationality Law, he taunted Jewish members of Knesset who had opposed the bill by posing a rhetorical question: “Do you dispute the exercise of the Jewish people’s right over the Land of Israel? Isn’t it our nation-state?” And a proposed amendment submitted by the liberal Meretz Party that would have prevented the new law from being applied to territories beyond Israel’s current sovereign boundaries was roundly and tellingly defeated, 63 to 31.
The coalition’s rejection of the Meretz proposal came as no surprise amid the myriad initiatives gaining traction on the Israeli right to have Israel annex the West Bank. On the last day of 2017, for example, the Likud’s Central Committee unanimously approved a resolution that marked “50 years since the liberation of the Judea and Samaria regions [i.e., the West Bank]” and called on the party’s elected officials to “apply Israeli sovereignty” over that area.
The resolution, though not legally binding over the Likud’s Knesset members and Cabinet members, was consistent with the party’s constitution, which asserts the Jewish people’s “unchallengeable and eternal right” to the whole of the Land of Israel and lays down the goal of “applying State sovereignty to all parts” of it.
The bid for annexation is also being expressed in the parliamentary realm. In recent months, coalition members have submitted a flurry of bills that would make Israel sovereign over the West Bank or parts of it. Netanyahu, as reported by Al-Monitor’s Mazal Mualem, is sympathetic to such legislation, but feels it needs to be advanced in coordination with the Trump administration.
Some Israelis are taking notice and sounding a warning. Professor DellaPergola told Al-Monitor that “were Israel to incorporate the entire West Bank,” it would “make the concept of Israel as a Jewish state absolutely untenable.”
Ron Huldai, the Labor Party-affiliated mayor of Tel Aviv, told Israel’s Army Radio that coalition leaders had intentionally omitted any reference to democratic principles from the law’s text. “The law was legislated that way with one goal,” he said. “If you say ‘the democratic Jewish nation-state,’ it’s clear that in order to be a Jewish nation-state, there needs to be a Jewish majority. The minute you leave out ‘democratic’ … you're saying that the state belongs to the Jews, and even if they won't be a majority, they'll be able to continue ruling over another people."
Retired Supreme Court Justice Eliyahu Matza offered a prognosis that was even more explicit. Speaking to Kan, the Israel Public Broadcasting Corporation, Matza said that the Nationality Law’s distinction between Jews and non-Jews was a clear indication that the Netanyahu government was abandoning the two-state solution. The government, he argued, was “aiming for an annexation of the administered territories,” and was readying Israel to “absorb several million Arab inhabitants who won’t have rights.” This, he warned, would turn Israel into “an apartheid state par excellence.”
Una settimana prima che la Knesset israeliana approvasse la Nationality Law, che definisce Israele come lo stato nazionale del popolo ebraico , il primo ministro Benjamin Netanyahu ha impostato il suo discorso, alla cerimonia commemorativa per Ze'ev Jabotinsky il 12 luglio , sulla controversa legislazione, esprimendo un parere favorevole. Jabotinsky è stato il fondatore del sionismo revisionista ed è spesso considerato il progenitore ideologico del partito Likud di oggi. La legge era necessaria, sosteneva il primo ministro , per "assicurare il carattere ebraico del nostro stato per generazioni". Netanyahu non ha approfondito ,ma sullo sfondo della recente ondata pro-annessione del partito Likud del primo ministro, è concepibile che la nuova legislazione stia gettando le fondamenta costituzionali per l' egemonia ebraica nel caso che Israele decida di annettere formalmente la Cisgiordania al suo territorio e milioni di palestinesi al suo censimento.
Netanyahu non ha specificato nelle sue osservazioni cosa stava mettendo in pericolo il carattere ebraico di Israele o come lo statuto avrebbe scongiurato quel pericolo. La prima frase della legge sulla nazionalità offre un indizio. Il testo recita: "La Terra di Israele,dove è sorto lo Stato di Israele, è la storica patria del popolo ebraico." Con la Knesset che lo stabilisce come principio di base iniziale dello statuto, la legge implica una pretesa territoriale ebraica latente alla " Terra di Israele " Biblica. Questo termine, sempre più utilizzato dalla destra israeliana, comprende l'area geografica tra il Mar Mediterraneo e il fiume Giordano, quindi include la Cisgiordania occupata. i territori occupati e i loro residenti rappresenterebbero effettivamente una sfida per l'identità ebraica dominante di Israele.
Secondo i dati più recenti dell'Istituto centrale di statistica israeliano, il 74,5% della popolazione di Israele è ebreo e il 20,9% arabo. "Cristiani non arabi" e altri rappresentano il resto. Il conteggio dell'ufficio include i palestinesi di Gerusalemme Est, annessa da Israele nel 1967, così come i coloni israeliani in Cisgiordania, L' analisi dello scorso anno dell'ufficio ha previsto che l'attuale equilibrio demografico non dovrebbe cambiare almeno fino al 2065.Il quadro demografico subirebbe un drastico cambiamento, tuttavia se Cisgiordania venisse annessa a Israele . Il professore del demografo della Hebrew University, Sergio DellaPergola, ha detto ad Al-Monitor che incorporare il resto della West Bank in Israele aggiungerebbe circa 2,55 milioni di palestinesi alla popolazione israeliana, determinando una minoranza non ebraica di circa il 40%.
La nuova Legge non menziona esplicitamente un'annessione della "Terra di Israele" e quando, nel suo terzo Principio di base, concede al popolo ebraico un diritto esclusivo all'autodeterminazione nazionale, lo fa nel contesto del " Stato di Israele ".
Eppure, nell' Israele di destra, il confine tra "Terra" e "Stato" è spesso confuso e facilmente incrociato. La Legge del 2011 sul Boicottaggio ha stabilito una definizione dello "Stato di Israele" che include qualsiasi "area sotto il controllo di Israele" - in altre parole , sono compresi i territori occupati oltre i confini riconosciuti di Israele. Allo stesso modo, quando il ministro del turismo Yariv Levin (Likud) si è rivolto al plenum della Knesset per approvare la legge sulla cittadinanza, ha schernito i membri ebrei della Knesset che si erano opposti alla proposta ponendo una domanda retorica : "Poni in discussione il diritto del popolo ebraico sulla terra di Israele? Non è il nostro stato-nazione? "E un emendamento proposto dal partito liberale Meretz che avrebbe impedito che la nuova legge venisse applicata ai territori al di fuori degli attuali confini sovrani di Israele è stato sconfitto .
Il rifiuto della coalizione alla proposta Meretz rientra nelle innumerevoli iniziative che portano la destra israeliana a far annettere ad Israele la Cisgiordania. L'ultimo giorno del 2017, ad esempio, il Comitato Centrale del Likud ha approvato all'unanimità una risoluzione che diceva "50 anni dalla liberazione delle regioni della Giudea e della Samaria [vale a dire, la Cisgiordania]" e ha invitato i funzionari eletti del partito ad "applicare la sovranità israeliana "su quell'area.
La risoluzione, sebbene non giuridicamente vincolante per i membri del Knesset e del Consiglio dei Ministri del Likud, era coerente con la costituzione del partito , che afferma il "diritto incontestabile ed eterno" del popolo ebraico all'intera Terra di Israele e stabilisce l'obiettivo di "applicare la Sovranità dello Stato in tutte le parti "di esso Negli ultimi mesi i membri della coalizione hanno presentato una serie di proposteper rendere Israele sovrano sulla West Bank o parti di esso. Netanyahu , come riportato da Mazal Mualem di Al-Monitor,è in sintonia con tale legislazione, ma ritiene che debba essere avanzata in coordinamento con l'amministrazione Trump.
Alcuni israeliani stanno prendendo nota e avvertono . Il professor DellaPergola ha detto ad Al-Monitor che " incorporare l'intera Cisgiordania", "renderebbe assolutamente insostenibile il concetto di Israele come stato ebraico". Ron Huldai, sindaco affiliato al partito laburista di Tel Aviv, ha dichiarato alla radio dell'esercito israeliano che i leader della coalizione hanno intenzionalmente omesso ogni riferimento ai principi democratici nel testo della legge. "La legge è stata legiferata in quel modo con un obiettivo", ha detto. "Se si dicesse 'lo stato-nazione ebraico democratico', è chiaro che per essere uno stato-nazione ebraico, ci deve essere una maggioranza ebraica. Nel momento in cui ometti il termine "democratico" ... stai dicendo che lo stato appartiene agli ebrei, e anche se non saranno una maggioranza, saranno in grado di continuare a governare su un altro popolo ".
Il giudice in pensione della Corte Suprema Eliyahu Matza ha offerto una prognosi ancora più esplicita. Matza ha detto che la distinzione della legge sulla nazionalità tra ebrei e non ebrei costituisce la chiara indicazione che il governo Netanyahu sta abbandonando la soluzione dei due stati. Il governo sta "mirando ad un'annessione dei territori amministrati"e sta preparando Israele ad "assorbire diversi milioni di abitanti arabi senza diritti". Questo, ha avvertito, trasformerebbe Israele in uno "stato di apartheid" per eccellenza.
è un editorialista politico americano-israeliano
PS : si delinea quindi lo scenario qui descritto?
A week before Israel’s Knesset approved the Nationality Law, which defines Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu used his speech
at the State Memorial Ceremony for Ze’ev Jabotinsky on July 12 to argue
in favor of the controversial legislation. Jabotinsky was the founder
of Revisionist Zionism and is often regarded as the ideological
forefather of today's ruling Likud Party. The law was needed, the prime minister argued,
to "ensure the Jewish character of our state for generations."
Netanyahu did not elaborate. But against the backdrop of the recent
pro-annexation surge in the prime minister’s Likud Party, it is
conceivable that the new legislation is laying the constitutional
groundwork for continued Jewish hegemony if and when Israel moves to
formally annex the West Bank to its territory — and millions of
Palestinians to its census.
Netanyahu did not specify in his
remarks what was endangering Israel’s Jewish character or how the
statute would ward off that danger. But the first sentence of the
Nationality Law offers a clue. The text states, "The Land of Israel, in
which the State of Israel arose, is the historic homeland of the Jewish
people.’’ With the Knesset establishing this as the statute’s initial
Basic Principle, the law implies a latent Jewish territorial claim that
goes beyond Israel’s internationally recognized boundaries, to the
Biblical "Land of Israel."
This term, increasingly used by the Israeli right, encompasses the
geographical area between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River,
hence includes the occupied West Bank. An annexation of those occupied
territories and their residents would indeed pose a challenge to
Israel’s dominant Jewish identity.According to the most recent data of Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics, 74.5% of Israel’s population is Jewish and 20.9% Arab. “Non-Arab Christians” and others account for the rest. The bureau’s count includes the Palestinians of East Jerusalem, which was annexed by Israel in 1967, as well as Israeli settlers in the West Bank, but it leaves out the Palestinian residents of the unannexed West Bank areas. An analysis by the bureau last year projected that the current demographic balance is not expected to change at least through 2065.
The demographic picture would undergo a drastic shift, however, were Israel to annex the West Bank. Hebrew University demographer professor Sergio DellaPergola told Al-Monitor that incorporating the remainder of the West Bank into Israel — i.e., beyond East Jerusalem — would add an estimated 2.55 million Palestinians to Israel’s population, resulting in a non-Jewish minority of approximately 40%.
The new Basic Law does not explicitly mention an annexation of “the Land of Israel,” and when, in its third Basic Principle, it grants the Jewish people an exclusive right to national self-determination, it does so within the context of the “State of Israel” alone.
Yet in right-wing Israel, the line between “Land” and “State” is frequently blurred and easily crossed. The 2011 Law Preventing Harm to the State of Israel by Means of Boycott, for example, legislated under a previous Netanyahu government, established a definition of the “State of Israel” that includes any “area under [Israel’s] control” — in other words, that encompasses the occupied territories beyond Israel’s recognized borders. In a similar vein, when Tourism Minister Yariv Levin (Likud) addressed the Knesset plenum following the vote to approve the Nationality Law, he taunted Jewish members of Knesset who had opposed the bill by posing a rhetorical question: “Do you dispute the exercise of the Jewish people’s right over the Land of Israel? Isn’t it our nation-state?” And a proposed amendment submitted by the liberal Meretz Party that would have prevented the new law from being applied to territories beyond Israel’s current sovereign boundaries was roundly and tellingly defeated, 63 to 31.
The coalition’s rejection of the Meretz proposal came as no surprise amid the myriad initiatives gaining traction on the Israeli right to have Israel annex the West Bank. On the last day of 2017, for example, the Likud’s Central Committee unanimously approved a resolution that marked “50 years since the liberation of the Judea and Samaria regions [i.e., the West Bank]” and called on the party’s elected officials to “apply Israeli sovereignty” over that area.
The resolution, though not legally binding over the Likud’s Knesset members and Cabinet members, was consistent with the party’s constitution, which asserts the Jewish people’s “unchallengeable and eternal right” to the whole of the Land of Israel and lays down the goal of “applying State sovereignty to all parts” of it.
The bid for annexation is also being expressed in the parliamentary realm. In recent months, coalition members have submitted a flurry of bills that would make Israel sovereign over the West Bank or parts of it. Netanyahu, as reported by Al-Monitor’s Mazal Mualem, is sympathetic to such legislation, but feels it needs to be advanced in coordination with the Trump administration.
Some Israelis are taking notice and sounding a warning. Professor DellaPergola told Al-Monitor that “were Israel to incorporate the entire West Bank,” it would “make the concept of Israel as a Jewish state absolutely untenable.”
Ron Huldai, the Labor Party-affiliated mayor of Tel Aviv, told Israel’s Army Radio that coalition leaders had intentionally omitted any reference to democratic principles from the law’s text. “The law was legislated that way with one goal,” he said. “If you say ‘the democratic Jewish nation-state,’ it’s clear that in order to be a Jewish nation-state, there needs to be a Jewish majority. The minute you leave out ‘democratic’ … you're saying that the state belongs to the Jews, and even if they won't be a majority, they'll be able to continue ruling over another people."
Retired Supreme Court Justice Eliyahu Matza offered a prognosis that was even more explicit. Speaking to Kan, the Israel Public Broadcasting Corporation, Matza said that the Nationality Law’s distinction between Jews and non-Jews was a clear indication that the Netanyahu government was abandoning the two-state solution. The government, he argued, was “aiming for an annexation of the administered territories,” and was readying Israel to “absorb several million Arab inhabitants who won’t have rights.” This, he warned, would turn Israel into “an apartheid state par excellence.”
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Israeli-Palestinian conflict
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