Sintesi personale
Cinque giorni dopo che Netanyahu ha completato l' accordo di riconciliazione con il presidente turco Recep Tayyip Erdogan, partner di Israele nella lotta contro l'Unione europea, ebrei e arabi israeliani , possono ancora una volta affollare Antalya . .
E 'il modo più sicuro per far loro dimenticare o perdonare il prezzo
degli alberghi di lusso utilizzati da Netanyahu e la polemica sulle residenze del primo ministro . Chi si ricorda le osservazioni critiche fatte la settimana scorsa dall'ex ministro della Difesa Moshe Ya'alon contro Netanyahu alla Conferenza di Herzliya e l' atteggiamento combattiva dell'ex primo ministro Ehud Barak su Canale 2?
E 'difficile sopravvalutare l'importanza di questo . Prima di tutto, Rivlin non è il yes-man o il portavoce di Netanyahu. Il primo ministro, dopo tutto, non ha risparmiato sforzi per impedire a Rivlin di essere eletto presidente. Il rapporto tra i due è gelido e ostile.
In secondo luogo le sue opinioni sulla parità di diritti, la libertà
di espressione e le relazioni estere di Israele ne fanno il beniamino del
campo liberale di Israele. Dichiarazioni che non c'è
un "partner palestinese" detto da un leader considerato moderato, come Rivlin o da Isaac Herzog, hanno un significato diverso rispetto alle stesse parole pronunicate da Netanyahu e dal ministro della Difesa Avigdor Liberman. Ho sentito un certo numero di israeliani di sinistra esprimere delusione negli ultimi giorni per questo e per il rifiuto Abbas 'di incontrare Rivlin .
Anche dopo che Abbas ha chiesto scusa per le sue osservazioni, Netanyahu , che non si fa mai mancare l'occasione di scagliarsi contro i Palestinesi ,ha detto : ."A Bruxelles, Abu Mazen ha mostrato il suo vero volto . Si rifiuta di
incontrare il presidente Rivlin e il primo ministro Netanyahu per
negoziare Diffonde diffamazione nel Parlamento europeo,mentre
afferma falsamente che la sua mano è pronta per la pace. "
Supponiamo che Abbas avesse accettato di stringere la mano di Rivlin di fronte a giornalisti e alle telecamere. Avrebbe dichiarato il premier israeliano che Abbas era pronto alla pace? Dopo tutto, Abbas e anche il leader dell'Olp Yasser Arafat si sono incontrati con i leader israeliani per 23 anni. Rivlin , anche se avesse adottato il punto di vista del suo predecessore
Shimon Peres, non ha alcuna autorità per offrire ai palestinesi qualcosa .
Oggi gli incontri con la leadership palestinese, proprio come con altri
leader regionali, non sono destinati a far avanzare un accordo
diplomatico sull l'occupazione.
Tale disposizione non è in linea con la Grande Terra d'Israele che Rivlin abbraccia apertamente e con le posizioni che Netanyahu
nasconde dietro discorsi vuoti. Abbas avrebbe potuto incontrare un presidente israeliano
che il giorno prima ha dichiarato dinanzi al Parlamento europeo che non
c'è una leadership palestinese efficace e che i negoziati per un accordo
permanente sono destinati a fallire."?
E 'un peccato che un presidente che si dedica a preservare la
democrazia all'interno dello Stato di Israele stia perpetuando l'occupazione di milioni di
persone .
Sicuramente sa che, se Israele non annetterà i territori della
Cisgiordania , esso cesserà di essere uno stato democratico e se lo facesse non sarebbe più uno stato ebraico.
Come ho scritto in precedenza, l'autorità morale di Rivlin nel preservare i valori democratici di Israele è inestimabile,ma non desidero che lui sia accolto tra
le braccia di coloro che si oppongono alla pace con i vicini palestinesi. Se vuole incontrare "leader efficaci" Erdogan sarà sicuramente lieto di ospitarlo nel suo palazzo. Con lui ci siamo già riconciliati.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu could not have
hoped for more: Within less than a week, two high-ranking leaders
publicly sided with him. First, President Reuven Rivlin joined the ranks
of the prime minister’s spokespeople. The popular Israeli president
joined the campaign against Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.
Netanyahu would have been hard pressed to articulate his opposition to
the French peace initiative better than Rivlin did in his June 22 speech to the European Parliament in Brussels.
Summary⎙ Print
President Reuven Rivlin, who devotes himself tirelessly to the
preservation of Israeli democracy, is lending his image to the
perpetuation of Israeli rule over millions of people under occupation.
Author Akiva Eldar Posted June 28, 2016
TranslatorRuti Sinai
Five days later, Netanyahu completed the reconciliation deal
with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Israel’s partner in the
fight against the European Union. The end of the crisis with Turkey came
just in time for the start of the long summer vacation. Masses of
Israelis — Jews and Arabs alike — can once again flock to the all-inclusive Antalya resorts.
It's the surest way to make them forget or forgive the price of the
luxury hotels of which the Netanyahus are particularly fond and the
controversy over the prime minister’s residences. Who remembers the critical comments made last week by former Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon against Netanyahu at the Herzliya Conference and the combative appearance of former Prime Minister Ehud Barak on Channel 2?
It’s hard to overstate the importance of their failure to
meet. First of all, Rivlin, as everyone knows, is not Netanyahu’s
yes-man or mouthpiece. The prime minister, after all, spared no
efforts to prevent Rivlin from being elected president. The relationship
between the two is somewhere between frosty and hostile. Therefore,
there’s no suspecting the president of serving as the prime minister’s
envoy of recalcitrance. Second, his views on equal rights, freedom of
expression and Israel’s foreign relations have made him the darling of
Israel’s liberal camp. Declarations that there’s “no
Palestinian partner” by leaders considered moderate, such as Rivlin and
opposition leader Isaac Herzog, are different from when the words are
said by Netanyahu and Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman. I heard quite a
number of leftist Israelis expressing disappointment in recent days
over Abbas' refusal to meet with Rivlin.
Thus, with one meeting that did not materialize, Rivlin
became a priceless diplomatic asset for the right wing. Abbas, who
accused Israel of a heinous crime, supplied the icing on the cake that
Rivlin served Netanyahu. He concluded his Brussels speech with
a fabrication: "Just a week ago, a week, a group of rabbis in Israel
announced, in a clear announcement, demanding their government, to
poison, to poison, the water of the Palestinians.” (However, certain extreme rabbis have expressed that the killing of Palestinian babies can be permissible, and just this month Netanyahu celebrated Jerusalem Day alongside Rabbi Dov Lior, who preached in favor of expelling Israeli Arabs from their homes.)
Even after Abbas apologized for his remarks, the judgment of the Palestinian leader remains in question.
Netanyahu may be missing opportunities for peace with the Palestinians,
but you will never see him pass up an opportunity to lash out at them.
"In Brussels, Abu Mazen showed his true face,”
the prime minister announced. “Someone who refuses to meet President
Rivlin and Prime Minister Netanyahu for direct negotiations and spreads
… libel in the European Parliament falsely claims that his hand is
extended in peace.”
Let’s assume that Abbas had agreed to shake Rivlin’s hand
in front of the reporters and cameras. Would Netanyahu have said that
the Palestinians were extending their hand in peace? After all,
Abbas and even PLO leader Yasser Arafat have been meeting with Israeli
leaders for 23 years. Even if Rivlin had adopted the views of
his predecessor, Shimon Peres, he has no authority to offer the
Palestinians a thing.
For years the Israeli public has been force-fed the
idea that the importance of meeting with Palestinian leaders is in its
very occurrence. Today, one can say that the importance of the meeting
is in its non-occurrence. Such meetings with the Palestinian leadership,
just as with other regional leaders, are not intended to advance a
diplomatic arrangement as a substitute for the occupation. Such an
arrangement is not in keeping with the Greater Land of Israel dogma that
Rivlin openly espouses and with the positions that Netanyahu conceals
behind hollow speeches. Meetings for the sake of photo ops convey a
message of business as usual, as if to say that occupier and occupied
can clearly co-exist.
And if it ain’t broke, why fix it? “You can see clearly,”
opponents of such an agreement would say, “Abbas is even willing to meet
with an Israeli president who the day before declared before the
European Parliament that there’s no effective Palestinian leadership and
that negotiations on a permanent agreement are doomed to fail.”
It’s too bad that a president who dedicates himself to
preserving democracy within the State of Israel is lending his prestige
to perpetuating Israel’s rule over millions of people under occupation.
Surely he knows that if Israel does not annex the West Bank territories,
it will cease being a democratic state, and if it does annex them it
will no longer be a Jewish state.
As I have written previously, Rivlin’s moral authority
in preserving Israel’s democratic values has been priceless. When I
urged him, “Run, Ruvi, run. The people of Israel are behind you,” I did
not mean for him to run into the arms of those who oppose peace with the
Palestinian neighbors. If he wishes to meet “effective
leaders,” Erdogan will surely be pleased to host him at his palace. With
him, we have already reconciled.
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