Vorremmo ringraziare le migliaia di persone che hanno
partecipato all' undicesimo ° MEMORIAL ISRAELO-Palestinese,. Ci ha dato forza vedere questa enorme
folla che dimostra il desiderio di riconciliazione . Grazie a tutti
coloro che hanno sostenuto e continuano a sostenere il nostro percorso
che come abbiamo visto, ancora una volta ieri, è il percorso di
migliaia di persone palestinesi e israeliane convinte che
la guerra non sia predestinata e che si possa porre fine al Ciclo della
violenza. Per le donazioni vai a: http://bit.ly/22igCQL
La registrazione è qui live.cfpeace.com (guardando 00:47 min) Parents Circle-Families Forum
We would like to thank the thousands who attended the 11th
Israeli-Palestinian Memorial Day Ceremony yesterday. We drew great
strength from seeing the huge crowd that
came and proved that especially this year, out of the greatest pain
still comes the desire for reconciliation and the aspiration for another
way.
Thank you to all of
those who supported and continue to support our path, which as we saw
once again yesterday, is the path of thousands on both sides - the
Israeli and Palestinian - who believe that War is not predestined and
that we can end the cycle of violence.
Many people volunteered
so that this important event could take place again this year, and we
continue our effort to cover the evening’s costs. To donate, please go
to: http://bit.ly/22igCQL
We apologize for the mishaps during the live streaming online. We are
working on uploading the ceremony in full and parts of it to Facebook
and our site. Until then, you are welcome to watch a recording of the
ceremony in an initial quality at live.cfpeace.com (staring at 00:47 min) Parents Circle-Families Forum
Very
moving ceremony and conversation last night at the NIF for Yom
HaZikaron (Memorial Day). We remembered victims of war and terror with Parents Circle-Families Forum,
a joint Israeli and Palestinian organization of families who have lost a
close family member as a result of the conflict. After watching the
ceremony from Israel Elik Elhanan, who lost his sister when a suicide
bomber blew himself up, and is the co-founder of Combatants for Peace
(a group of former fighters engaging in nonviolent struggle for peace
and reconciliation between Palestinians and Israelis), lit a candle and
talked about solidarity and working for co-existence. We also red Yehuda
Amichai's poem "The Place Where We Are Right" Photo from Israel by Tatyana Gitlits
Eetta Prince-Gibson spent Yom Hazikaron with 3,000 Israelis — and hundreds of Palestinians from the West Bank.
forward.com
This time of year is always hard for me. In Israel, we move quickly
from Passover to Holocaust Memorial Day; a week later, we mark the
Memorial Day for Fallen Soldiers and Victims of Terror; a day later we
celebrate Independence Day. We go from attending solemn ceremonies as
the sirens blare to attending joyful barbecues as the military parades
pass. These set rituals are meant to give meaning to us as a society,
framing Israel’s official narrative: from slavery to freedom, from
victimhood to victory.
I still believe that there is deep historical and mythic truth to
this narrative. But like all official narratives, it’s incomplete. It
teaches us to see the Jewish people, and Israel as the expression of the
people, as the world’s ultimate victim, doomed to live by the sword.
Then what? More war until the Messiah comes? Army and death forever?
When my children were born, I, like every other Israeli parent, hoped
they wouldn’t have to serve in the army. Now, they’ve already completed
their army service, and I’m starting to wonder about my
not-even-born-yet grandchildren.
That’s why, when it comes time to decide which commemorative ceremony to attend, I hesitate as I take stock of my options.
First there are the official ceremonies, filled with real and forced
pathos, where political officials buck up the national narrative. Wave
the flag in support of the Jewish people’s right to self-determination,
they say, while they deny the right of others to the same nationhood.
Pay homage to heroes who died in wars, the politicos demand, as they
shirk their responsibility for making peace. Stay with the tribe, they
tell us, because everyone from every other tribe wants to kill us all.
They want me to deny that I am afraid for my children and myself,
because fear, they warn, is weakness. They encourage us to support the
army, because it protects our borders, and they hope we don’t think too
much about protecting democracy, justice or equality. They caution me
not to recognize a Palestinian mother’s pain, because that is a denial
of a Jewish mother’s pain. They tell me to love my country for how just
and right and good it is.
Then there are the “alternative” ceremonies, conducted by various
far-left groups. They, too, make demands. Suspend emotion and wrap
yourself in intellectualized cynicism, the organizers say. Turn your
back on the flag and denounce Jewish nationalism, they insist, while
they assert the right of the Palestinians to the same nationhood. Stay
with this tribe, they warn, because the other tribe is dragging us
toward fascism. Deny that you are afraid for your children and yourself,
because Palestinian violence is merely a result of the occupation.
Denounce the army, because there is no need to protect our borders or
ourselves. Do not give credence to Jewish pain, because then you are
denying Palestinian pain. Unlove your country, because there is nothing
good here anymore.
Each of these options offers singular Truths, but my life is made up
of multiple truths. Each demands that I give up part of what I feel, but
I want to hold on to all my feelings — fear and pride, delight and deep
sadness, wonder and anger, gratitude and rage — even if they’re
contradictory. Not one of these ceremonies creates a space where I can
both celebrate Israeli independence and recognize that it created the
Palestinians’ Nakba or “Catastrophe.”
So this year, for the first time, I decided to attend the
Israeli-Palestinian Memorial Ceremony. Sponsored by the Combatants for
Peace Movement in cooperation with the Parents’ Circle - Bereaved
Families Forum, the ceremony was established by a bereaved parent, Buma
Inbar, whose son, Yotam, a fighter in the Golani Brigade, was killed in
Lebanon in 1995.
Hai Ashkenazi
I sat with some 3,000 Israelis, plus hundreds of Palestinians from
the West Bank (who received special permits from the Israeli security
authorities to attend the ceremony). I listened to Neta Shemesh, a
mother of three and grandmother of two, who lost her mother when
terrorists infiltrated her kibbutz in 1974, and lost her brother in the
first Lebanon War. I heard the words of Adan al-Masri, a mother of eight
from Nablus, whose son Wassam was shot in the head during violent
demonstrations at Joseph’s Tomb in September 1996. I watched as Yigal
Elhannan, who lost his sister Smadar in a terrorist attack in downtown
Jerusalem in September 1997, embraced Arab Aramin, whose sister Abir
died from a rubber bullet fired by a border patrol officer while she was
walking home from school.
There was music and dance, and a search for new art forms for complex
expression. As the organizers promised, the ceremony demonstrated,
however briefly, the possibility of peace not based on indifference to
pain, but rather with a direct reference to loss and bereavement on both
sides. “The only revenge for the death of Abir and Smadar is peace,”
Arab and Yigal said.
This ceremony has been held for 11 years, and each year more people
participate. But I have always steered clear of it. Now that I was
finally here, I wondered what’d taken me so long. After all, I’ve been
involved in peace and dialogue groups for years. I’ve been active in a
joint Palestinian-Israeli group that’s drawing up plans for sustainable
solutions to the conflict in Jerusalem. I’ve shared my hopes and fears
with Palestinians. But I wasn’t willing to share pain.
Sitting at this ceremony, I suddenly understood that collective pain
can also be, paradoxically, a comfort zone. The pain is raw, and leaves
little room for criticism or thought or questions. If we hurt enough, we
may not have to ask how we were wounded in the first place. And that
scared me.
And yet, by taking the risk and attending this ceremony at last, I
made a commitment: to remember and to hope, to feel the pain and to look
to the future, to celebrate Independence Day while recalling the Nakba
and trying to build a better society. To mourn the dead, but never to
value them more than the living. Eetta Prince-Gibson, the former editor in chief of The Jerusalem Report, is an award-winning journalist who lives in Jerusalem.
Israele governo di estrema destra e opposizione 156 Israele opposizione civile e democratica 618 Sulla scia del colpo di stato giudiziario, le discussioni israeliane sul trasferimento all’estero non si fermano più ai gruppi di social media. In una lussureggiante valle dell’Italia nordoccidentale si stanno concretizzando idee di emigrazione collettiva – e iniziative simili stanno prendendo forma anche altrove Hilo Glazer 2 settembre 2023 1:19 IDT “Mentre il numero di ore di luce nella democrazia del loro paese continua a diminuire, sempre più israeliani arrivano nella valle montuosa alla ricerca di un nuovo inizio. Tra loro ci sono giovani con bambini nel marsupio, altri con bambini in età scolare, e ci sono persone con i capelli grigi come me. Un insegnante, un imprenditore tecnologico, uno psicologo, un toelettatore, un allenatore di basket. Alcuni dicono che stanno solo esplorando, ma si vergognano ancora di ammettere che stanno seriamente considerando l'opzione. Altri sembra
Ventiquattr’ore dopo, l’atmosfera è completamente cambiata. E dalla relativa tranquillità si è passati ai venti di guerra. Ieri Ehud Barak, ministro israeliano della Difesa, ha detto che il vuoto politico in Egitto non creava problemi di sicurezza per lo Stato ebraico. Oggi, nel più assoluto silenzio, due navi iraniane sono transitate lungo il canale di Suez in direzione Siria senza nessun problema. E a quel punto lo Stato ebraico è ripiombato nel terrore. La fregata Alvand e il cruiser (nave da guerra) Kharg, due vascelli appartenenti alla marina militare della repubblica islamica, stanno ora navigando verso le coste libanesi – ormai controllate da Hezbollah – per trasportare merce non meglio identificata verso la Siria. Iran, Libano, Siria. Se non è un incubo per Israele, poco ci manca. Gerusalemme ha alzato la voce e per bocca del ministro degli Esteri, Avigdor Lieberman, ha definito le manovre di Teheran «una provocazione». Da Beirut gli ha replicato il leader di Hezbollah, Ha
joimag.it Né Ashkenaziti né Sefarditi: gli Ebrei italiani sono un mistero - JoiMag Ashkenaziti, Sefarditi, Mizrahim, ma anche Bukhari, Falashà e Romanioti. Sono numerosissimi i gruppi che compongono la Diaspora ebraica. Tuttavia gli Ebrei italiani, gli Italkim, rappresentano un’eccezione unica e con una grande storia. Spesso si sente parlare di due categorie di Ebrei: Ashkenaziti e Sefarditi . Alcuni alludono anche a un terzo gruppo, i Mizrahim , per indicare gli Ebrei che vivevano in quei territori che oggi sono Iraq, Siria, Yemen, Iran, Georgia e Uzbekistan. Ma questa divisione in gruppi può risultare molto più complicata di quello che può sembrare a un primo sguardo. Ci sono tre modi di intendere la classificazione degli Ebrei; uno di questi si basa sulla geografia. Questo approccio applica l’etichetta “Ashkenazita” agli Ebrei che hanno gli antenati che provengono dal territorio che nella letteratura rabbinica medievale era chiamato
Di Amira Hass - 2 giugno 2021 - https://archive.is/nfPIe Amira Hass La Valle di Jezreel misura 350 chilometri quadrati, poco meno dell'area della Striscia di Gaza. Jezreel ospita 40.000 israeliani. I 365 chilometri quadrati di Gaza ospitano due milioni di palestinesi . Molti discendono da persone nate ad Ashkelon (Majdal) e Ashdod (Isdud), città appena a nord di Gaza, e nei villaggi che divennero le comunità ebraiche vicino al confine di Gaza. Facciamo un confronto con Israele. Ha una popolazione di 9,3 milioni di abitanti, compresi i coloni in Cisgiordania, Gerusalemme Est e sulle alture del Golan. Compreso il Golan e Gerusalemme Est, conquistati nel 1967, Israele ha una superficie di 22.000 chilometri quadrati. A ciò si aggiunge circa la metà della Cisgiordania occupata dai coloni e dalle loro milizie (l'IDF e la gioventù delle colline), e arriva a 25.000 chilometri. Quindi, una popolazione palestinese equivalente a un quinto della popolazione israeliana vive in un'area
Then there are the “alternative” ceremonies, conducted by various
far-left groups. They, too, make demands. Suspend emotion and wrap
yourself in intellectualized cynicism, the organizers say. Turn your
back on the flag and denounce Jewish nationalism, they insist, while
they assert the right of the Palestinians to the same nationhood. Stay
with this tribe, they warn, because the other tribe is dragging us
toward fascism. Deny that you are afraid for your children and yourself,
because Palestinian violence is merely a result of the occupation.
Denounce the army, because there is no need to protect our borders or
ourselves. Do not give credence to Jewish pain, because then you are
denying Palestinian pain. Unlove your country, because there is nothing
good here anymore.
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