Muhammad Shehada Opinion Marching in Gaza, My Brother Risks Death - to Feel Free
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My
asthmatic younger brother, Salah 18, is scheduled for an urgent eye
operation in Egypt, without which he might permanently lose the sight in
his right eye. He’s also been awarded a scholarship to study in
Algeria, and has been fighting to get out of the Gaza Strip to take up
his place for nearly two years, without success.
His
life is being entirely stolen from him by Israel's blockade, yet his
future stares back at him just a footstep away, from behind the giant
concrete walls that seal Gaza. He’s in a race against time not to lose his sight, his mind, and his life as well.
Almost every day, my brother shows up for the Gaza "Great Return March," although my mother has desperately tried almost everything to stop him from running bare-chested towards his death.
Salah quickly learned the "rules of engagement"
and exercises extreme caution not to get hurt. "If you stand 300 meters
or less from the separation fence, with a Palestinian flag and a keffiyeh,
you’re liable to get shot in the legs, kneecaps or feet, and the
wounded part is likely to be amputated," my brother explained. "If you
hold a handful of rocks, or try to breach the fence, the snipers will aim at your abdomen, chest, neck or head."
Nonetheless, there have been Palestinians who've been wounded and killed while actually running away
from the buffer zone. They were given no second chance. Even my
brother, standing outside of the danger zone, fainted repeatedly because
of the tear gas; he saw the kid next to him getting shot in the leg. At
the hospital, my brother is always terrified that if he’d sign his name
amongst the wounded, Israel willl ban him from ever leaving Gaza, for
having taken part in the protests.
Hamas believes Israel is deploying facial
recognition technologies besides the numerous war-drones that obliterate
the sky above. The movement warned its members to keep their faces
covered, and leave their phones at home.
Hamas
has deployed its security and intelligence personnel to maintain what
it sees as the three critical parameters of the protest: independence,
non-violence, and no breach of the fence into Israel. The security
forces are assigned to prevent individual attempts to disrupt the
protest’s non-violence, such as young people trying to throw molotov
cocktails towards Israel. Some cases slip their attention; others are
dealt with firmly.
Last
Friday, my brother accidentally walked into a tent where the wounded
were being attended to. He and his friends were dragged into
interrogations by Palestinian internal security personnel for taking
photos of the tent and for holding spontaneous interviews with the
wounded.
Hamas,
despite remaining dismissive of the protest’s ability to challenge
Israel’s blockade, has, like all political parties would have done,
jumped with alacrity into the protests to accrue political capital,
recognizing the backdrop as an opportune moment for photoshoots, for
fueling popular support and to advance its vested interests.
When Israel responds to the protests with violence,
Hamas cheers those dramatic photographs' ability to return Gaza to
world headlines, and to concentrate the people’s anger on Israel and its
"complicit partner," the Palestinian Authority.
If
Israel still resorts to a different strategy, Hamas believes that,
given Netanyahu’s government crisis, the best offer Israel would have
made would be to respond to the protest with a few measures to ease
Gaza's incarceration, such as expanding besieged fishing and farming
zones and opening the borders for the movement of goods and civilians.
But
such measures, as earlier experiences shows, are conferred and then
revoked at the earliest opportunity, since Israel’s declared goal of its
siege on Gaza is to "keep the population’s heads above water, but their
bodies drowned."
Hamas hopes the protest will go some way to counter the pressure that's been ramping up since the assassination attempt
on Palestinian Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah. The Palestinian
Authority initially blamed Hamas for the explosion which targeted
Hamdallah's convoy as he was visiting Gaza. Palestinian President
Mahmoud Abbas then threatened to impose even more severe sanctions on
Gaza than those that already make the enclave unlivable.
Hamas hopes the protests will convince Abbas to
give the reconciliation a second chance and avoid being blamed by Israel
for pouring more fuel into Gaza’s imminent explosion.
Hamas
is also calculating that both Israel and Egypt are watching how swiftly
and easily it's mobilized the masses. That's in order that Israel might
put pressure on Egypt to ease its part of the blockade to assuage
popular tension and anger.
It would be a mistake for onlookers to assume that Hamas’ hijacking of the protest undermines its authenticity and the genuine pain of Gazans.
Yes,
the protests are being pushed hard, by blanket promotions in street
talks, schools, mosques, universities, shops and on taxies, the pictures
of Ismail Haniya playing football close to the border, Yahya Sinwar’s
inflammatory speeches, and Hamas paying $3000 to the families of the
dead (despite the organization itself receiving the tenfold that
amount).
But
Hamas cannot drag young people out of bed at gunpoint and shuttle them
to the borders to dance to its tune. Young Gazans are making their way
there by their own free will.
Was
it not for the misery inflicted by Gaza's status quo, no one would show
up for that date with death. Although some have joined out of mere
curiosity, to see an area they never dared to step foot in before, and
others joined out of national pride, or to simply take photos, many of
the people present felt they had to participate in the march to
challenge their sense of their own slow and painful deaths.
Every
protestor has a heartbreaking story and a profound reason to stand in
front of immediate danger, unarmed. Gazans have been living on the edge
of death, starvation and collapse for 11 years, pushing the boundaries
for human survival. These grievances can never be faked, and they must
be addressed.
Despite
the evident danger, my brother, like most people I know in Gaza, is
going to keep showing up at the protests every day, until he perishes -
or breaks free.
Muhammad
Shehada is a writer and civil society activist from the Gaza Strip and a
student of Development Studies at Lund University, Sweden. He was the
PR officer for the Gaza office of the Euro-Med Monitor for Human
Rights. Twitter: @muhammadshehad2
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