Akiva Eldar :Come garantire il successo alla conferenza di pace di Parigi
Sintesi personale
Molti in Israele si chiedono se il governo della destra radicale porrà fine al conflitto israelo-palestinese, una questione discussa anche a Ramallah,a Parigi e a Washington.
Rimozione dei coloni e rinuncia alla sovranità del Monte del Tempio sono
due precondizioni necessarie, anche se parziali, per luna pace basata sulla soluzione di due stati. Anche se il primo ministro Benjamin Netanyahu e il ministro della Difesa nuova Avigdor Lieberman hanno fatto alcune interessanti
osservazioni circa il piano di pace
araba e la necessità di un processo diplomatico, come il presidente
palestinese Mahmoud Abbas ha dichiarato, le parole non bastano ,ma contano le azioni
Di seguito è riportato un elenco parziale delle azioni che il governo
di Israele dovrebbe intraprendere. I partecipanti alla Conferenza di Parigi per la pace in Medio Oriente sono invitati a ricordare questa lista:
- Adottare una risoluzione chiara e inequivocabile da parte del governo dove si enuncia la volontà di Israele di sostenere la soluzione dei due Stati e i principi della iniziativa di pace araba del 2002. Dalla Road Map per la pace del 2003 non cè stata una sola discussione sull' iniziativa di pace araba o su un accordo permanente con i palestinesi .
- Drasticamente cambiare la politica di determinare i fatti sul terreno, in particolare quelli che inficiano la soluzione dei due Stati attraverso la massiccia costruzione di insediamenti in Cisgiordania e Gerusalemme Est. Secondo i dati compilati da Peace Now nel maggio 2015 le autorità hanno approvato i piani per costruire 2.752 nuove unità abitative per gli ebrei in tutto il West Bank, in contraddizione con la recente dichiarazione del ministro Housing Yoav Galant durante una visita negli Stati Uniti . Allo stesso tempo le autorità israeliane stanno portando avanti i piani per nuove costruzioni nel cuore dei quartieri arabi di Gerusalemme Est
Una petizione alla Corte Suprema è stata presentata dal
gruppo per i diritti israeliana Yesh Din e dai proprietari terrieri
palestinesi dal villaggio di Anata, le cui terre sono state annesse all'
insediamento ebraico di Kfar Adumim. Lo Stato ha dichiarato con crudele ironia che "i residenti palestinesi traggono vantaggio dall'appropriazione da parte dei coloni delle loro terre , perché sono poi impiegati nelle industrie dei coloni edificati su queste terre . "
- Desistere dal demolire gli edifici palestinesi e cambiare la politica abitativa per i residenti palestinesi nell' Area C.
Secondo B'Tselem , dal 1 Gennaio all' 11 Febbraio, 73 case e 51 altri edifici sono stati demoliti lasciando 284 persone, tra questi 161 minorenni, senza un tetto sopra la testa. Tra gli edifici rasi al suolo 37 sono stati donati da agenzie internazionali umanitarie e dagli Stati europei .
Le foto di bambini rimasti senza casa nel caldo soffocante della Valle
del Giordano e nel freddo agghiacciante del Hebron Hills alimentano la propaganda di Hamas
e minano Abbas '.
e minano Abbas '.
- Porre termine al blocco sulla Striscia di Gaza come parte di un accordo con l'Autorità palestinese.
Le gravi ristrettezze umanitaria di Gaza aumentano la minaccia di violenza nella regione
facendo deragliare qualsiasi tentativo di promuovere un accordo diplomatico. Israele deve evitare di favorire una vittoria di Hamas . Sull' accordo di riconciliazione al quale punta la Turchia, il presidente Abdel Fattah al-Sisi ha chiarito la sua obiezione
- Dichiarare chiaramente il sostegno da parte del ministro della Difesa ai militari impegnati a combattere il terrorismo. Tale posizione è stata espressa da Gadi Eizenkot quando ha detto che Forze di Difesa Israeliane (IDF) non sono guidate da slogan come : "se qualcuno viene a ucciderti, uccidilo prima" o dallo scaricare il caricatore di un fucile sul corpo di una ragazza palestinese armata di forbici " Le linee guida stabilite dal Eizenkot derivano non solo da principi etici, ma anche dagli interessi di Israele a difendere Abbas contro la furia della piazza palestinesi che contestano la collaborazione tra le forze di sicurezza palestinesi e quelle israeliane .
Questi cinque mosse sono i requisiti minimi per
ricostruire la fiducia dei palestinesi e della comunità internazionale nel
suo intento di porre fine all'occupazione che perdura da 49 anni per non rafforzare l'estremismo
Presto verrà nominato come membro
della Knesset Tzahi Hanegbi per sorvegliare i negoziati con i palestinesi. Nel corso della sua carriera politica egli è stato sia un falco sia una colomba e questo potrebbe attualizzare in positivo le parole del profeta Geremia .
How to ensure success at the Paris peace conference
Many in Israel wonder if the most radical right-wing government will be the one to put an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a question also discussed in Ramallah, Paris and Washington.
This brings to mind the famous reflection by the Prophet
Jeremiah, who lived 2,700 years ago: "Can the Ethiopian change his skin,
or the leopard his spots?" (Jeremiah, 13:23). Sadly, prospects that the
current government will evacuate a quarter million Jewish settlers from
the West Bank (the rest will be allowed to remain in their homes as
part of a land swap with the Palestinians) and renounce its sovereignty
over Jerusalem's Temple Mount is akin to the prospects of the leader of
the left-wing Meretz Party, Zehava Gal-On, moving to live in a West Bank
outpost.Removing settlers and renouncing sovereignty over Temple Mount are two necessary preconditions, albeit partial ones, for peace based on a two-state solution. Although Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and new Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman made some interesting and even courageous remarks this week about the Arab Peace Plan and the need for a diplomatic process, as Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said June 1, people must not be judged by their party affiliation and words, but by their actions for the sake of peace.
Following is a partial list of actions that the Israel government will need to take for peace in the spirit of the Arab Peace Initiative. The participants of the June 3 Paris Conference for Peace in the Middle East are advised to keep this list in mind:
- Adopt a clear and unambiguous government resolution stating that Israel supports the two-state solution and the principles of the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative. Until this happens, the government's objection to mention the Arab Peace Initiative as a basis for an arrangement with the Palestinians will remain in force. This objection was part of a May 2003 government resolution of adopting the Quartet's Road Map for Peace, a resolution that contained 14 reservations. Since then, neither the government nor its diplomatic-security Cabinet has held a single discussion about the Arab Peace Initiative or a permanent arrangement with the Palestinians.
- Drastically change the policy of determining facts on the ground, especially those that disrupt the two-state solution through massive construction in the West Bank settlements and East Jerusalem. According to data compiled by Peace Now, the organization that closely monitors the settlement enterprise, since the formation of the current government in May 2015, authorities have approved plans to build 2,752 new housing units for Jews all across the West Bank, in contradiction to the recent statement by Housing Minister Yoav Galant during a visit to the United States that government policy is to refrain from building settlements. At the same time, Israeli authorities are pushing ahead with plans for new construction in the heart of Jerusalem's Arab neighborhoods of Silwan in the Holy Basin and in Sheikh Jarrah.
The ugly face of settlement policy was
exposed in the state's response to a Supreme Court petition filed by the
Israeli rights group Yesh Din and Palestinian landowners from the
village of Anata, whose lands were annexed to the Jewish settlement of
Kfar Adumim. Responding to the demand that the annexation order be
voided, the state said with cruel irony that "Palestinian residents enjoy the appropriation of their lands for the benefit of the settlements because they are [then] employed in the industrial parks put up [on these lands] by the settlers."
- Desist from the accelerated demolition of Palestinian buildings and change the housing permit policy for Palestinian residents of the West Bank's Area C.
According to the rights organization B'Tselem, from Jan. 1 to Feb. 11, 73 homes and 51 additional buildings were demolished,
leaving 284 people, among them 161 minors, without a roof over their
heads. Among the buildings razed were at least 37 donated by
international relief agencies and European states.
The pictures of babies left homeless in the stifling heat of the Jordan
Valley and the bone-chilling cold of the Hebron Hills serves Hamas
propaganda and undermines Abbas' already shaky standing.
- Lifting the blockade on the Gaza Strip as part of an understanding with the Palestinian Authority.
The severe humanitarian straits in Gaza
increase the threat of another round of violence in the region, which,
in turn, would derail any attempt to promote a diplomatic arrangement.
Israel must avoid handing Hamas a victory in Gaza as part of the reconciliation agreement that seems to be in the works with Turkey. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has made clear his objection to giving Turkey a foothold in Gaza. Ignoring his stance is expected to also damage Israel's ties with Egypt.
- Issuing an explicit statement of support by the minister of defense for the military's policy on fighting terror.
This position will roll back Liberman's
open backing for Elor Azarya, the soldier who shot dead a wounded
terrorist in Hebron. The military's position was expressed by
Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Gadi Eizenkot when he said that Israel Defense Forces (IDF) are not guided
by such slogans as "if someone comes to kill you, arise to kill him
first," and that he objects to soldiers "unloading an entire clip [of
bullets]" at a Palestinian girl wielding scissors. The guidelines set
out by Eizenkot stem not only from ethical principles but also from
Israel's interest in defending Abbas against the fury of the Palestinian
street. Israel's defense agencies are of one mind that there's no other
partner on the horizon for a diplomatic arrangement and continued
security cooperation with the Israelis.
These five moves are the minimum prerequisites for Israel to rebuild
the trust of the Palestinians and the international community in its
intention to bring about an end to the occupation, which marks its 49th
anniversary on June 5. Bitter experience shows that a diplomatic process
without significant moves on the ground is not only doomed to failure
— it ends up providing additional ammunition for the right's deadly "no
partner on the Palestinian side" argument.Those who insist on looking for a silver lining to the current political cloud can console themselves with the upcoming appointment of Knesset member Tzahi Hanegbi as minister without portfolio (and without inhibitions) to oversee negotiations with the Palestinians. Throughout his political career, Hanegbi was both a hawk and a dove. He was a member of the radical right that rebelled against the government's decision to evacuate the settlement of Yamit as part of the peace treaty with Egypt, joined the Likud and moved over to the Kadima that withdrew Israeli troops and settlements from Gaza in 2005.
Hanegbi has now zigzagged back to the Likud. In February 2010, as chairman of the Knesset's foreign affairs and defense committee representing Kadima, he had said that "Abbas' recalcitrance raises doubts." Nevertheless, in August 2011, Hanegbi attended a meeting of left-wing activists with the Palestinians at the University of Pittsburgh, where a permanent arrangement with the Palestinians was discussed, based on the 1967 borders and a division of Jerusalem.
Hard to believe, but maybe, after all, in the Israel of 2016, an Ethiopian can change his skin color and a leopard can transform into a pussycat. Even Prophet Jeremiah couldn't have proposed such a transformation.
Akiva Eldar is a columnist
for Al-Monitor’s Israel Pulse. He was formerly a senior columnist and
editorial writer for Haaretz and also served as the Hebrew daily’s US
bureau chief and diplomatic correspondent. His most recent book (with
Idith Zertal), Lords of the Land, on the Jewish settlements, was on the
best-seller list in Israel and has been translated into English, French,
German and Arabic.
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