domenica 28 febbraio 2016

Palestina : Il diritto di proprietà è per i soli ebrei di Yossi Gurvitz

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 Sintesi personale

Il nostro rapporto intitolato  " dall'occupazione all'annessione ," ha esplorato i diversi modi in cui il governo israeliano attua il Rapporto Levy. Questo post si concentrerà su un altro punto critico: la cancellazione del diritto dei palestinesi alla proprietà.
Prima della relazione Levy  il governo israeliano è stato attento a evitare di legalizzare il sequestro della proprietà privata palestinese, l'unica eccezione  è stata fatta  per esigenze militari ( "sequestro militare") o dichiarando la proprietà  Terra di Stato . I ricorsi legali contro gli avamposti illegali, circa l'80%  sono in  in parte costruiti su terreni privati ​​palestinesi,  poneva in discussione questo modo di pensare.

Diamo un'occhiata ad alcuni esempi. Il futuro del avamposto Adei Ad , vedere " La strada per Espropriazione " , è in discussione presso l' High Court of Justice. Il rapporto evidenzia in modo dettagliato come i civili israeliani   si siano impossessati dei terreni privati ​​palestinesi usando la   violenza contro i residenti palestinesi che cercavano di difendere  la loro terra. . Anche se il rapporto Levy è stato pubblicato nel 2013, la realtà che descrive continua ancora oggi.
Il governo israeliano utilizza ampiamente l' interpretazione giuridica di Levy di legalizzare una serie di avamposti illegali  con il pretesto  che sono quartieri di  insediamenti già esistenti ,  anche quando sono fuori dalla giurisdizione del loro "insediamento madre. "Il  ministro della giustizia Ayelet Shaked  si è  vantato che"  lo stato risponde in modo diverso in questi giorni ".
Pertanto l'Alta Corte , anche se l'avamposto è illegale, non ha intenzione di rimuoverlo. Al contrario, ha annunciato che avrebbe cercato di legalizzarlo. In pratica Shaked   garantisce "diamo un premio ai criminali." Nel  2015 lo Stato  parla espressamente di legalizzazione retroattiva.
Un altro caso che rappresenta la cancellazione dei diritti di proprietà palestinese è quello di Amona. Amona è il più grande avamposto di insediamento illegale in Cisgiordania - una parte significativa del terreno su cui sorge appartiene ai residenti palestinesi   e il furto è stato caratterizzato dalla  violenza contro i palestinesi. In tribunale lo Stato si è opposto al'evacuazione   di Amona. Alla fine del 2014 l'Alta Corte di giustizia ha stabilito che Amona doveva essere evacuato entro la fine di questo 2016. Così che cosa ha fatto il governo? .Ha cercato di aggirare la corte attraverso un nuovo disegno di legge dal titolo il "disegno di legge di riordino".
Questa legge segue una delle osservazioni formulate nella relazione Levy,  Una volta che si può dimostrare che un avamposto è stato illegalmente costruito su terra palestinese, i proprietari palestinesi sarebbero costretti ad accettare un risarcimento e rinunciare ai propri diritti  sulla loro proprietà.
Secondo il Rapporto Levy, di conseguenza, tutte le persone sono uguali davanti alla legge, ma alcune  sono più uguali. Noi non evacuiamo le terre , legalizziamo semplicemente l'invasione. I diritti di proprietà sono secondari per i nostri diritti storici.
  I politici non  stanno nemmeno cercando di nascondere il loro operato su Amona  Se venisse approvato il disegno di legge , congelato per il momento ,   altri avamposti  verrebbero legalizzati 
 Il "comitato di riordino", creato dal primo ministro Netanyahu, ha lo scopo rendere ancora più difficile  dimostrare che  i Palestinesi sono proprietari terrieri. Lo scopo del comitato è quello di creare "uno schema per la legalizzazione delle strutture  degli insediamenti ebraici in Giudea e Samaria  costruite con il sostegno delle autorità."
. Il governo attua una politica non ufficiale di annessione ,ma non concede diritti uguali  ai Palestinesi, privandoli delle difese legali  che a loro spetterebbero  in quanto  non vi è alcuna "occupazione."


The right to own property — for Jews alone

A central problem of the implementation of the Levy Report by the government is the effective abolishment of Palestinians’ property rights 12782452_10153614243709118_943715411_n
Our previous post on Yesh Din’s new position paper, “From Occupation to Annexation,” explored the various ways the Israeli government implements the Levy Report. This post will focus on another critical point: the erasure of the Palestinians’ right to property.
Prior to the Levy Report, the Israeli government was careful to avoid legalizing the seizure of private Palestinian property, except when it could argue it was done due to pressing military needs (“military seizure”) or by declaring it state land and claiming that it was never, in fact, private property at all. This took place, in part, because the laws of occupation demand that the occupier protect the private property of protected persons in occupied territory. The legal appeals against the illegal outposts, about 80% of which are at least partially built on private Palestinian land, challenged this way of thinking.
And then came the Levy Report, which claimed the government has the right to build settlements and outposts in the West Bank. On paper this claim may have been harmless, had its implementation not directly threatened the property of private persons.
Let’s look at some examples. The future of the Adei Ad outpost – which was at the heart of another one of our reports, “The Road to Dispossession” – is being debated by the High Court of Justice. The report detailed how Israeli civilians took over private Palestinian land while using violence against Palestinian residents who tried to hold on to their land, all while the Israeli authorities stood aside. Although the report was published in 2013, the reality it describes continues even today.
As our position paper shows, the Israeli government relies on Levy’s exceedingly broad legal interpretation to legalize a series of illegal outposts, under the pretense they are in fact neighborhoods of already existing settlements – even when they are outside the jurisdiction of their “mother settlement.” Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked even boasted that “anyone who knows the Adei Ad [appeal], knows that the state responds differently these days.”
Therefore the state informed the High Court that although the outpost was illegal, it does not intend to remove it. On the contrary, it announced that it would try and legalize it. In practice, then, what Shaked meant to say was that “we decided to give criminals a prize.”
If the state told the court in 2008 that it – some day — intends to enforce the law and evacuate the outposts, its position had radically changed by 2011. Now, said the state, it will enforce the law only vis-a-vis structures built on private land, while legalizing structures built on state land. The Levy Report came out in 2012; by 2013, the state was telling the courts that in some cases “state reasons” may supersede the need to enforce the law. By 2015, the state spoke expressly about retroactive legalization.
Another case that represents the erasure of Palestinian property rights is that of Amona. Amona is the largest illegal settlement outpost in the West Bank – a significant part of the land on which it stands belong to Palestinian residents, whose theft was followed by violence against the Palestinians. In court, the state opposed the evacuation of Amona time after time. At the end of 2014, the High Court of Justice ruled that Amona was to be evacuated by the end of this 2016. So what did the government do? Did it accept the ruling and follow the instructions of the court? Of course not. It tried to bypass the court through a new bill titled the “re-ordering bill.”
This law follows one of the comments made in the Levy Report, according to which compensation for Palestinians whose land has been taken from them is preferable to evacuating the invaders. Once it can be proven that an outpost was illegally built on Palestinian land, the Palestinian owners would be forced to accept compensation and give up their rights to their own property.
According to the Levy Report, therefore, all people are equal before the law, but some are more equal. You own land? Jewish invaders took it with government aid? We won’t evacuate them, we simply legalize the invasion. Here are your 30 pieces of silver. Oh, you don’t want to take them because you’re afraid of living next to Israelis who have already proven their affinity for violence? You won’t take the silver because you don’t want to take part in Jewish expansion over parts of Palestine?  Tough. Your property rights are secondary to our historical rights. Do yourself and us a favor and take the money, because, you see, this outpost won’t be removed. It will remain here whether you like it or not. The court ruled otherwise? We’ll try and change the law. What about your rights? What rights?
The bill currently names three outposts and a part of a settlement – three outposts that the court had already ordered be removed, and one whose case is still debated. Amona is mentioned specifically as an outpost covered by the bill. Politicians are not even trying to conceal the fact the point of the bill is to prevent the High Court from slowing down the violation of Palestinian rights. Just in case, the bill – which has been frozen for the time being – allows other outposts to be added to it even after it passes.
The state’s responses to the court and the “re-ordering bill” deal outposts whose fate were either ruled on by the High Court or are still being debated. But the government ministers, being people of vision, take care not only of the past and present but also of the future. The “re-ordering committee,” created by Prime Minister Netanyahu, is supposed to provide other solutions, as it has a mandate to “examine the current process of evidence needed for proof of land ownership.” To put it more bluntly: its purpose is to make it even more difficult for to prove they are landowners. The purpose of the committee is to create “an outline for the legalizing of structures and neighborhoods in Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria that were built with the support of the authorities.”
The Israeli government never authorized the Levy Report’s recommendations while effectively endorsing and carrying them out in secret. The government implements an unofficial policy of annexation – one that does not grant equal rights to those being annexed, while at the same time depriving them of the legal defenses they are entitled to as protected persons, since, allegedly, there is no occupation.
As for the people who live there? It’s their own problem. They should have lived someplace else. Didn’t they get the hint already?


yesh Din ييش دين יש דין
5 h ·
Our previous post on Yesh Din’s new position paper, “From Occupation to Annexation” explored the various ways the Israeli government secretly implements the Levy Report. This post will focus on another critical point: the erasure of the Palestinians’ right to property.
Prior to the Levy Report, the Israeli government was careful to avoid legalizing the seizure of private Palestinian property, except when it could argue it was done due to pressing military needs. Yet since the report was published, the Israeli government relies on it exceedingly broad legal interpretation to legalize a series of illegal outposts, under the pretense they are in fact neighborhoods of already existing settlements – even when they are outside its jurisdiction.
The right to own property — for Jews alone? Read the new post by Yossi Gurvitz --> http://bit.ly/PropertyRight
Read our position paper --> http://bit.ly/OccupationAnnexation

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