Let me introduce myself. I know next to nothing about
apartheid. I don't know how it felt to be its victim, how the system
worked in practice, the extent to which boycotts brought it down. I can
bring little of value to the intense current debate over apartheid,
whether or not the word applies to Israel's relationship to the
Palestinians, or may apply soon, or never will.
I do, however, know something about occupation.
And
not only because I spent so much of my life in an IDF uniform,
occupying. Southern Lebanon, northern Sinai, Hebron to Abu Dis, Gaza to
the Golan - if Israel's captured it, I've occupied it.
I
understand why it is so important for some people to prove that Israel
is an apartheid state, and why others recoil from the word. Apartheid is
an obscenity. An ugly, malignant lesion of a word. A time bomb.
Apartheid is an internationally recognized synonym for politically
rooted crimes against humanity, for maliciously oppressive segregation
of such magnitude that the nation which practices it, begs to be shunned
as a pariah, a leper state, a moral menace, unworthy to exist.
By
contrast, just as we have learned to, for lack of a better term, live
with occupation, we have learned over time to live with the word. The
very fact that "occupation" tends to connote something temporary, helps
ease the processes through which it is fast becoming not only permanent,
but seemingly irreversible.
We've
learned to live with the idea that occupation exists solely for the
sake of the settlement enterprise – and with the fact that both
occupation and settlement blacken Israel's name as nothing else.
Settlement and occupation are the essential reasons that Israel stands
accused of apartheid. They are the fuel of boycott. They are our curse.
Without
minimizing the importance of the discussion of whether what Israel is
doing is apartheid or occupation, I believe that the Netanyahu
government - which is doing everything that it can to shore up the
occupation and render it irreversible – actually benefits from the fact
that the debate over the designation apartheid often focuses on – and
dead-ends in - terminology, and not on concrete steps to fight it.
So
here's the opinion of one veteran occupier who doesn't want any
Israelis to spend any more of their lives occupying another people: It
doesn't matter what you call it. Call it Occu-Partheid, if that will in
any way shift the discussion from what to call it, to how to end it.
Why
do I say this? Because I believe with everything I have seen, that the
curse of settlement, the curse of Occupartheid, is no more permanent
than any other. This is what we've all seen, pulling into Sinai and
south Lebanon and Gaza, and later pulling out:
Nothing in the Mideast is irreversible. Nothing in the Mideast is eternal. Nothing in the Mideast is indivisible.
It
may be that Israelis have grown inured to, or literally walled-off
from, the devastating effects of Occupartheid on millions of
Palestinians. But they can feel the costs of Occupartheid to Israel's
security – the drains on military training, morale, the diversion of
tens of thousands of artillery, armor, infantry, even air force
soldiers, to Occupartheid duty for which they are undertrained,
underequipped and emotionally unprepared. They know, better by the year,
the social welfare costs of diverting affordable housing and allotments
for health care, education, and transportation to the settlements.
Every
day, separation wall or no, Israelis still manage to see how
Occupartheid is ruining this place that we love. The ways it drains our
resources, saps our hopes, undermines democracy, and fosters violence,
corruption, racism, and inequality.
For
the last two elections, politicians of the center and center-left,
leading from behind and thus falling behind, chose to bypass and ignore
Occupartheid as a central issue of our time. This, despite polls showing
consistent majority support in Israel for an eventual two-state
solution. This has only emboldened the right to press for ever more
racist and anti-democratic legislation, and ceaseless, heedless new
settlement construction.
If
past experience is any measure, though, the right may be about to blow
it. The crowing victory-lap certainty of Naftali Bennett's recent pronouncements
that the peace process was "suicide" suggests that he believes that
permanent Occupartheid is both sustainable, and the course that most
Israelis want to follow.
It
is neither. Benjamin Netanyahu knows this better than anyone. That's
why he's done everything he can to divert attention from Occupartheid –
paying lip service to two-states while undermining any chance of
progress toward it, all the while desperately pursuing his
The-Sky-Is-Falling policy toward Iran.
What
really terrifies the prime minister is the possibility that the right
Israeli – a leader with courage and charisma and the belief that the
oligarchy of Occupartheid can be dismantled – will come to the fore.
We haven't met that leader yet. But we will. Nothing in the Mideast is permanent. Not even lack of leadership.
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