Amira Hass: economia palestinese, i donatori e la totale dominazione israeliana

Sintesi personale


La posizione di Israele nella sua relazione periodica ai  donatori   dell'Autorità palestinese, ricorda il  caso di un ragazzo che uccide i suoi genitori e poi chiede una pensione di orfano. Israele descrive le carenze dell'economia palestinese come se l'occupazione colonialista non fosse  la causa principale  di ciò.
Gli autori della relazione affermano che la dipendenza dell'Autorità palestinese dall'aiuto straniero non diminuirà nei prossimi anni. In tal modo, essi stanno mostrando mancanza di rispetto per l'intelligenza dei rappresentanti dei paesi donatori . Chi meglio di questi delegati conosce il  favore che stanno  facendo ad Israele, fornendo massicci  aiuti  ai  palestinesi? I contribuenti di tutto il mondo sono quelli che stanno alleviando Israele dei suoi obblighi come potenza occupante . Si scopre che è più facile finanziare l'occupazione piuttosto che costringere Israele a porre fine ad essa. 

Con arroganza compiaciuta  gli autori del rapporto ignorano il completo dominio di Israele sui palestinesi : risorse naturali,  estensione territoriale,valuta,  spazio aereo, radio-frequenza, contiguità territoriale, servizi bancari ,trasmissioni televisive ,  libertà di movimento, valichi di frontiera,  ingresso dei cittadini stranieri e  durata del loro soggiorno, autostrade, sicurezza personale e comunitaria.

The number of tourists coming to the West Bank city of Bethlehem last year, for example, was 1,174,280 (compared to 1,092,811 - note the precision! - in 2010 ), according to the report. Then there was the extension of the hours of operation at checkpoints; the agreement over the Palestinian police presence in Area B (which is under Israeli military control and Palestinian civil responsibility ); construction of a visitors' lounge for meetings between Palestinian and Israeli business people at one of the checkpoints; the drilling of four wells in a nature reserve's eastern aquifer; 17 (again, note the precision! ) preparatory meetings (regarding water infrastructure ) with representatives of the U.S. State Department and USAID; one meeting with a Dutch representative over Israeli-Palestinian cooperation; 434,382 cars, owned by Palestinian citizens of Israel, that were allowed passage via the West Bank town of Jenin; consideration of a Palestinian request for a customs exemption for cars owned by foreign investors and the disabled; and approval of 2,777 requests for changes of address on ID cards from Gaza to the West Bank (of 3,857 people who sought approval ).

With a whiff of the theories of economist Milton Friedman, the report sneers at the size of the Palestinian public sector. But if there is anything that assures Palestinian social stability - and in turn quiet and prosperity for Israel - it is the regular (if unreasonably low ) salaries paid to that public sector. Since the Oslo Accords between Israel and the PLO were drafted in the 1990s, payment of wages has been a major means by which support of and dependence on the PA leadership has been buttressed. The adaptability of the Palestinian leadership to Israel's policy of carving out Palestinian territorial enclaves was based in part on that very internal instability.


And what about the bloated Palestinian security forces, which are an inseparable part of the public sector? They are subcontractors for the Israeli Shin Bet security service and the Israeli army, who have tasked them with participating in controlling, suppressing and containing the various manifestations of Palestinian resistance. It's as if the big Israeli boss is not only benefiting from the workers supplied by the subcontractor, but is also complaining that there are too many of them.

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